Luxembourg’s electoral system presents a unique set of features, such as compulsory voting, the “panachage” option allowing voters to allocate their votes across candidates from different party lists, a division of the nation into four constituencies, and perhaps most notably: nearly half of the population, i.e., non-Luxembourgers, is not entitled to vote in legislative elections.
Nicolas Klein, a professor affiliated with the University of Montréal and the University of Paris-Panthéon-Assas, is personally in favour of establishing a single constituency. He contends that this proposal requires a careful consideration of two crucial factors: the representation of distinct regions and the representation of various political parties.
According to Klein, the existing division into four constituencies unfairly disadvantages smaller political parties. He asserts that the geographical representation concerns can still be adequately addressed by voters in a unified district.
In addition, he stresses that regional disparities, which may have been significant in the past, no longer hold the same weight in contemporary Luxembourg. As he elaborates, “For example, my grandma was from the Moselle and my grandpa from Differdange; two worlds collided, so to speak. Today, the regional differences are no longer so pronounced that one might argue proportionality carries less significance.”
If the Grand Duchy is to remain divided into multiple constituencies, Klein recommends to continue determining the number of seats in each constituency based on the entire population and not just eligible voters. He asserts that this approach aligns with international standards.
Opinion: Does little Luxembourg need four electoral districts?
Henri Schmit, the author of Comment réformer le système électoral? (“How to reform the electoral system?”), has a completely different opinion. He contends that MPs represent individuals with voting rights, a criterion typically linked to nationality rather than residency status. Schmit points out that in “virtually all systems across countries,” voting rights in national elections are granted to those possessing the nationality, rather than those living in the country without pursuing citizenship.
Schmit stresses that Luxembourg maintains a fairly liberal approach to granting nationality and dismisses the argument that the Chamber of Deputies takes decisions that also affect non-Luxembourg residents.
Under the proposed system of allocating seats based on the number of eligible voters, the east would see an increase from 7 to 8 seats, the north from 9 to 11, and the south from 23 to 24. Conversely, the central constituency would drop from 21 to 17 seats.
Schmit has calculated how the political parties would have fared under this revised framework in 2023. The Christian Social People’s Party (CSV) and the Democratic Party (DP) would still have a majority, although the CSV’s seat count would drop from 21 to 20, and the DP’s representation would decrease from 14 to 13. The Luxembourg Socialist Workers’ Party (LSAP) would have gained two seats, going from 11 to 13, and the Green Party would have secured one more seat, increasing from 4 to 5. The Left Party (Déi Lénk) would have retained only one seat instead of two. Finally, the Alternative Democratic Reform Party (adr) and the Pirate Party would each have remained at 5 and 3 seats, respectively, in this alternative electoral system.
